In this thematic issue various angles of crime and migration are addressed. This introductory article focuses on differences in the debate and research on crime and migration in the Netherlands and Belgium. According to the authors (and editors of this issue) both sound research and a critical debate is needed in order to prevent rash conclusions which might exclude large groups of immigrants, asylum seekers and others. This special issue demonstrates the diversity of the relations between migration and crime and the various angles from which these can be studied.

This article describes the officially recorded criminal careers from age twelve to 22 for all boys and girls who were born in the Netherlands in 1984. Using data on police contacts (HKS) we ask: (1) What proportion of the 1984 birth cohort has a police contact between ages twelve and 22?, (2) What are the criminal career characteristics of those registered?, (3) What is the nature of the crimes these youths are registered for?, and (4) How do chronic offenders and recidivists differ from one-time offenders? We answer these questions separately for boys and girls and for youths of different ethnic origin. Ethnicity was based on the country of birth of (one of) the parents. Our results show that 23 percent of men and 5 percent of women born in 1984 had at least one police contact prior to age 23. Youths of non-Dutch origin were overrepresented in police registrations. Overrepresentation was strongest for boys of Moroccan origin: 54 percent was registered at least once, and of those registered one third were registered five times or more. Moroccan girls were also overrepresented.

This article examines the relationship between the juridical status of asylum migrants (accepted asylum migrants with a residence permit or citizenship, still in procedure, illegal residence) and crime. We argue that a weak legal status results in socio-economic deprivation that can result in criminal involvement. Using both registrations of asylum seekers as well as police data about suspects of offences, we find that rejected asylum seekers that remain in the country illegally are more involved in crime than asylum seekers still in procedure, who in turn are more often registered as a suspect than accepted asylum migrants with a residence permit or Dutch citizenship. We also find that rejected asylum migrants are more involved in ‘survival crimes’ like theft. In other words: having a weak legal status increases rates of offending, especially property crimes. When studying the relation between social inequality and crime, it is important to take the juridical status of immigrants into consideration.

Starting a decade ago, police authorities in Western Europe have been dealing with (South)Eastern European gangs coming over to Western Europe. These gangs commit a large number of property crimes and are characterised by their high level of mobility. Yet, this raises questions as to how their mobility has to be interpreted: is it temporary, making them criminal tourists, or are there any migration mechanisms involved? This article is based on interviews with offenders charged with selling criminal goods (i.e. fencing). Fencing activities appear to take place either in Western Europe or in the countries of origin. Alongside these activities, their centre of social activity appears to be located in either one of them as well. This heterogeneity indicates there is little added value in combating the Eastern European crime gangs, because different offender types with a different background are involved.

This article focuses on migration with criminal motives. Two specific groups are discussed, British migrants in the Netherlands and Dutch migrants in Spain. Little is written on criminal migration motives in combination with Western subjects. On the other hand, investigative authorities have first-hand knowledge on this matter. An analysis of 25 closed case files shows that within these two groups of migrants, some people are heavily involved in the international drugs trade. Although their numbers are small, their function is important. Through their actions it becomes possible for certain cities or areas to evolve into international criminal drug marketplaces. There are also some differences between British and Dutch criminals abroad. British criminals are often involved as brokers. They broker drugs for third parties in Great Britain. Their stay in the Netherlands seems temporarily. They do not invest in the economy or buy property. Conversely, Dutch criminals in Spain could be described as leaders of organized crime groups. They invest in Spain by buying companies and property.

This article focuses on the differences in perception that appear when the English and Dutch discourses on anti-social behaviour and street terror are compared. The political and media discourses in the Netherlands focus on the migration background of the youth responsible (mainly Moroccan juveniles) whereas in England and Wales the possible influence of discrimination is stressed. The analysis of the two discourses reveals that although the problems in the two countries are in essence comparable, very different discourses have developed.

Economists like to think in terms of markets, where supply and demand meet. There are, however, also ‘real’ criminal markets where either supply and demand of illegal goods or services can meet, or where perpetrators ‘receive’ a financial penalty for his/her illegal acts. This article focuses on economic research in the field of these markets, especially where it concerns victimless crimes.